Quote (Handcuffs @ May 9 2021 10:25pm)
tl;dr: fuck you. read the post or at least watch the videos. PaRD is a low-effort clownfest and it won't hurt you to read more than a single sentence at a time.
Hi PaRD, let's explore your thoughts on sex offender laws as they currently exist. While certainly tricky in that sex offense (and offender) laws vary state-to-state, there are some commonalities that are being met with discourse around their efficacy, utility, and constitutionality. In particular, these include residency restrictions as part of reintegration contingencies after someone is found guilty of a sex offense as well as involuntary civil commitment (which ~20 states have) in situations where a person (who has completed their prison sentence) is deemed unfit for reintegration as a result of a mental health diagnosis (typically a combination of meeting DSM-5 criteria for Antisocial Personality Disorder + a paraphilia, such as Pedophilic Disorder/NOS Hebephilia. Note: The use of "NOS hebephilia" is extremely controversial).
The residency restrictions are intended to prevent people who have a history of sexual offense to live in close proximity to children, with the distance varying by state and with further variance across counties. Recently, Florida has been looked at as a primary example of the challenges involved with the real-world application of these laws--specifically in Miami-Dade County. Florida has a minimum 1,000 feet restriction from places such as schools, parks, daycare centers, etc., and Miami-Dade County has a heightened restriction of 2,500 feet. This resulted in people being released from Miami-Dade prisons and struggling to find any housing that actually met these restrictions. As a result, ~50 - 100 people who are registered as a sex offender in the state ended up living under the Julia Tuttle Causeway--an overpass in Miami. This led to the formation of a homeless encampment as people struggled to establish any level of reintegration, with governmental agencies collectively pointing the finger at one another to explain why this was happening. The coverage of this story was met with most people being apathetic about the situation due to the nature of their offenses; however, it did spark the discourse about whether this is a just way for the criminal justice system to operate. Additionally, it calls into question whether people are actually more likely to reoffend due to the low quality of life that they have outside of prison. The restriction has become so untenable for many people with a sex offense that it has resulted in the formation of specific communities, such as Miracle Village--residential area started by Matthew 25 Ministries specifically for people with sex offenses on their record. They currently have ~200 people living in Miracle Village at this time, which is well-below the need as they only accept 1 out of every 20 applications that they get. Some argue that these restrictions are antithetical to the spirit of criminal reform and are so restrictive that they infringe on the civil rights of people with a history of sex offense. Others say that it's necessary to prevent (or at least lessen) the risk of re-offense and that people should have thought about this before they committed a sex offense.
Another topic of heated discourse within this realm is about the utility and constitutionality of involuntary civil commitment. For this, Minnesota has been highlighted as a prime example to focus on, with an involuntary civil commitment process for sex offenses that has been in operation for ~25 years now. The State argues that it is a necessary part of the criminal justice system for individuals who have completed their sentence but who, as a result of a mental health diagnosis, are deemed unfit for reintegration. This results in a quasi-imprisoned life at a facility where, in theory, they're supposed to be receiving mental health treatment with the intention/hope of release and reintegration. Critics of this practice argue the constitutionality of holding someone for possible future recidivism, which isn't present with those who have other kinds of offenses. Additionally, critics in Minnesota specifically note that their civil commitment facilities have housed hundreds of people with sex offense records since 1995 and yet not a single person (at least up to 2016) had been released. This called into question not only the constitutionality of civil commitment, but also the psychometric efficacy of the treatment programs that were being utilized. Needless to say, a success rate of 0% over a 20 year period is abysmal. The State, however, contends that only ~4% of people found guilty of a sex offense end up in a civil commitment program, and that it is reserved for people who (due to a mental health diagnosis) are deemed unfit for reintegration. Critics, however, further note that there are people currently in Minnesota civil commitment facilities for sex offenses that they committed when they were adolescents. The available research into adolescent v. adult sex offense is pretty illuminating in that ~97% of adolescent sex offenders do not go on to reoffend after a legal entanglement + mental health treatment. Similar to Florida, the reporting in Minnesota led to most people being apathetic, but there was enough of a criticism that the state has reviewed its civil commitment procedures and within the past ~4 years has been looking at who they can safely release.
What are your thoughts, PaRD? More resources here and below:
Florida residency restrictions and those living under the Julia Tuttle Causeway:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=852ZyRIPdjI
IIRC, Minnesota's Supreme Court told the state they may no longer continue to indefinitely commit people civilly due to that abysmal performance, but they keep doing it anyways. State gonna state. Speaking specifically to our model, I think that if civil commitment isn't handed down as part of your original sentence, it should be legally null and void to effect what is a de facto indefinite sentence-extension.
And no, the state shouldn't be in the business of killing anybody, regardless of what they've done. Yes, attacking a child is an aggravating factor, and should be considered when rendering a harsher sentence, but no, there should not be an automatic death sentence. Just a couple days ago, the NYT did a story on Arkansas executing a person who was convicted of a murder that it turns out, he didn't commit. But due to a long train of errors, abuses, and incompetence, his case plodded its slow way to completion. It wasn't until after his death that his sister was able to have the murder weapon DNA tested, and it had another man's DNA on it. Prosecutors don't so much seek justice, they take the case as presented by cops and build a prosecution around it.